| Frederick Noronha on Thu, 15 Apr 1999 23:51:55 +0200 (CEST) |
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| <nettime> GOA: Right to Information, one year later |
NOTE: Goa is India's smallest state, located on the west coast of this
country, and is a former Portuguese colony now better known worldwide as a
tourist destination. -FN/Goa.
********************************************************
THE GOA RIGHT TO INFORMATION ACT, ONE YEAR ON
By Robert Jenkins and Anne Marie Goetz
--------------------------------------------------------
From TRANSPARENCY..., New Delhi, March 1999
********************************************************
While some people struggle for a right to information,
others have it thrust upon them. In mid-1997 the
Congress chief minister of Goa, Pratapsing Rane,
announced that his government would soon introduce
right-to-information legislation. Goa's activists and
press corps were caught off-guard. When the press
finally obtained a copy of the bill -- ironically,
through a leak from sources within the bureaucracy --
they discovered a number of draconian provisions, which
had little to do with increasing accountability.
One clause provided for fines for those who used
information obtained under the act for "malafide
purposes". Many felt that this clause revealed the
government's true intent: intimidation of the press.
After the Bill was passed in mid-1997, the Goa Union of
Journalists orchestrated a successful mobilization of
civil society against the 'offending provisions' of the
Act. This resulted in amendments, and by early 1998
Goa's citizens had an Act explicitly guaranteeing a
right to information. "Competent authorities" were
identified for each government department all the way
down to the gram panchayat. Also included were a
stipulated period within which requests for information
must be processed, and a procedure adjudicating appeals
against requests.
The question facing Goa is whether it can generate a
demand-side response to this newly available facility.
One of the most striking aspects of the Goan case is the
lack of a concerted campaign or mobilization for the
introduction of an RTI act prior to the government's
initiative. Access to information has been a
long-standing preoccupation of many activist
organisations: environmental groups like the Goa
Foundation and Nirmal Vishwa; civil rights groups such
as the All-Goa Citizens' Committee for Social Justice
and Action (AGCCSJA); or women's organizations like
Bailancho Saad.
However, they have sought information itself -- relating
to specific cases and issues -- as opposed to
campaigning for a "right" to information, in the form of
legislation or regulatory change. All of these groups
supported the right-to-information agitation in late
1997, but with the exception of AGCCSJA, have made
limited or no use of the Act itself. Even the press,
once it had defended its rights of free expression, has
not made use of its provisions.
A few forays into the domain of investigative journalism
have seen reporters file requests for information, but
on the whole, it is generally agreed among Goa's
journalists that most reporters would not want to upset
their established channels of privileged disclosure with
government officials by seeming to be too
confrontational.
Though organisations have been slow to respond, a wide
array of individuals have sought to assert their newly
conferred right. After a year on the books, the Goa
Right to Information Act (GRIA) has generated about 400
applications for government documents.
Many applications are related to inquiries about
potentially illegal constructions. Some applications
involve clearances given to polluting industries. And
many are inquiries into the application of licensing or
taxation rules to the properties and businesses of
certain individuals, presumably with a view to exposing
favouritism.
Probably the most active user of the Act has been the
All-Goa Citizens' Committee for Social Justice and
Action (AGCCSJA), whose spokesman, Mr M.K.Jos, has filed
28 applications on the Associations' behalf. AGCCSJA has
pursued many causes of public misconduct, using both the
right to information legislation and a range of
statutory grievance mechanisms.
A particularly striking case in which access to
information assisted the AGCCSJA in pursuing malfeasance
concerned the alleged misdeeds of a district cooperative
bank. By obtaining a copy of an independent audit report
which supplied details of the bank's mismanagement, the
AGCCSJA was able to generate considerable negative
publicity for the politician who controlled the bank, a
former minister in the central government, who went on
to lose the subsequent election.
So far, most of AGCCSJA's applications under the GRIA
appear to target poor government decision-making in
sectors. About one-third of its applications involve
cases of alleged patronage and nepotism in appointments,
promotions, and service conditions in higher and
secondary education. Other petitions relate to building
permits and subsidies for hotels, which violate planning
and environmental codes, to toxic waste emitted by a
zinc factory, and to the role of an IAS (Indian
Administrative Services) officer in a lottery scam.
Despite their middle-class orientation, these concerns,
particularly those relating to the education system,
involve strategic aspects of the state's claims to
legitimacy.
One association in Goa which does focus on socially
excluded groups has made concerted and successful use of
the GRIA. The Gomantak Bahujan Samaj Parishad, a
federation of OBC (other backward castes) associations,
has used the new right to information provisions to
expose the politically motivated (and allegedly illegal)
process by which OBC status was granted to a large and,
according to the GBSP, 'forward' caste.
An advocate representing the GBSP, filed a petition
under the GRIA to see the notes and minutes of the
Cabinet meeting in which the decision was made. What he
found was enough to win the writ petition he then filed
before the High Court. One of the Cabinet notes
prepared by the Social Welfare Ministry showed that the
Congress Legislature Party, and not the legally
sanctioned Goa State Commission for Backward Classes,
had decided to award OBC-status to this group. The
decision, not incidentally, was made just before a
national election, and the caste group in question was
known to support the ruling Congress. Such decisions are
not meant to be made by political parties, and the High
Court issued a stay on the notification in question,
following the presentation of the GBSP's evidence.
The GBSP subsequently used the GRIA to research
compliance with current rules on reservations by
requesting information from all government departments
and agencies about their staff composition.
Willingness to divulge this information has varied
widely across the government. Some departments have not
responding at all, violating the 30-day time limit.
Others have responded with a full list of names of
employees and their designations.
There is enormous variation in charges levied for this
information. Some departments have not made any charge,
while others have made seemingly arbitrary and sometimes
significant charges -- charges for 'processing fees',
for instance, or for 'the cost of arranging the
inspection of documents'. The Registrar of Cooperative
Societies charged Rs 2000, and the Director of Education
Rs 1630.
One agency, the Economic Development Corporation, has
issued a string of objections to the request, on the
grounds that the petitioner did not qualify as a
'citizen' under the act, that the information requested
was not clearly in the public interest, that the GRIA
did not permit 'fishing or roving inquiries of a general
nature relating to the affairs of bodies within its
purview', and that the information sought relates to
commercial secrets protected by law.
These variations are, at one level, just the teething
pains of an administration adjusting to a new procedure.
But they may also represent efforts by some departments
to 'claw back' some of their perquisites by making it
more difficult for people to use the GRIA.
In January 1999 the Directorate of Information
intervened to impose some uniformity at least in the
charges levied for information, circulating an order
imposing a Rs 100 charge for processing fees for each
request, and a photocopying charge of Rs 2 per page.
Many aspects of this order -- it was not announced to
the public or discussed with the State Information
Council -- has alarmed people who had hoped the GRIA
might become more widely used by underpriviledged
groups, who are likely to be deterred by the cost
implications.
One of the emerging issues in the use of the GRIA is how
to define 'personal information', the revelation of
which would be an unwarranted invasion of privacy.
One user of the GRIA in a village near Panaji -- Socorro
-- has encountered this charge repeatedly. A small group
(which includes one dissident panchayat member)
convinced that the local sarpanch is corrupt, attempted
to obtain a range of panchayat-level documents. The
particular matter over which the issue of 'personal
information' has been raised concerned taxation. The
suspicion motivating these requests is that the sarpanch
and his cronies are underpaying on house tax, the
insinuation being that there has been underassessment
involving abuse of authority for private gain. The
panchayat secretary, the designated authority for
information sharing under the GRIA, has refused to
release the tax records and land survey documents on the
grounds that this is personal information, the
revelation of which would serve no 'public interest'.
This is one of the clauses that make experts think that
Goa's act is flawed, for it provides an excuse which can
be ruthlessly abused. But even with such a provision, it
should be possible for an applicant to make the case
that matters of revenue, precisely because they bear so
heavily on the availability of funds for collective
endeavors, should always be treated as in the 'public
interest'.
One potential way of reducing the impact of constraints
such as seemingly arbitrary imposition of fees, or the
invocation of the 'personal information' objection to
disclosure, is monitoring. Legally, this is supposed to
be done by a 'State Information Council' which includes
representatives from NGOs and the Press. So far, the SIC
has only had one meeting, with the subsequent meeting
repeatedly postponed.
Grievances are mounting, however, and some women's and
other organizations are preparing a well-documented
submission regarding bureaucratic resistance for the
next meeting.
One major issue to be discussed in the deterrent effect
of the new processing and photocopying charges. But of
more importance will be the on-going debate over the
range of information for which citizens can legitimately
apply. In the first SIC meeting, the government
repeatedly stressed anxieties over the way the GRIA
could be used to settle individual scores by delving
into personal material. When the NGO and Press
representatives countered that such requests often
exposed forms of corruption and favouritism about which
the public has a right to know, the Chief Minister
reportedly retorted that the GRIA "is not an anti-
corruption act".
But some individuals and groups in Goa think otherwise.
In addition, some see this as an opportunity to promote
a broader change in the culture of secrecy and
obstruction which ordinary citizens face when dealing
with bureaucrats.
Bailancho Saad, for instance, is continuing to promote a
broader interpretation of citizens' rights to government
information. They want to see a culture of automatic
information disclosure, not grudging information release
in response to individual petitions. For instance, they
suggest that all government studies, commissioned
reports, and departmental budgets be made available as a
matter of course to the public through information
centres.
The chances that the GRIA will catalyse a perceptible
increase in government transparency will depend upon the
creation of a civil society constituency committed to
its application to anti-corruption cases. The petitions
under the GRIA do not yet add up to a concerted campaign
against corruption affecting less privileged
constituencies. In fact, there is also a viewpoint that
it is a right for liberals and literates, and can allow
individuals to seek privileged information without
involving the broader community.
While this line of thinking is open to debate, it
clearly highlights that the connections between a
liberal civil right like the right to information, and
the broader social, economic, and political rights --
particularly rights to livelihood and basic services --
have not been established yet. For this to be visible to
broader social groups, use of the GRIA will have to
extend to government services and arenas affecting
poorer groups, such as anti-poverty schemes,
agriculture, water supply and sanitation, primary
education, health and of course, the village panchayats.
*******************************************************
The authors are conducting a three-year study of
grassroot movements and government initiatives for
transparency across India. Rob Jenkins and Anne Marie
Goetz can be contacted at
rjenkins@beaconsfield.u-net.com or
drrobjenkins@hotmail.com
FOOTNOTE: For an free email copy of the Goa Right to
Information Act, contact <fred@goa1.dot.net.in>
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